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Just one of the poster boards
presented during last Thursday’s Miami-Dade
State Attorney’s Office press conference. Even
more materials were given to a Miami City
Hall-friendly publication named Miami Monthly.
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Without doubt, the big story of
the first week of summer was the stunning arrest of 11
city of Miami employees, members of the so-called “The
Firm,” who were charged with running a private business
on the public’s dime. To me, though, this was not so
much a law enforcement story as it was a tale of
political spin.
On June 21, when the Miami-Dade State Attorney’s Office
sent out its e-mail blast to all media regarding the
indictment of 11 low and middle-level officials in the
city’s Capital Improvements department, the stage was
set. This was an event. Cue the perp walk and the
finger-wagging. The only thing missing was a theme song.
At the city’s downtown offices, Mayor Manny Diaz sternly
held court in the lobby, surrounded by cops, bureaucrats
and media. State Attorney Katherine Fernández Rundle was
the opening act, wowing the crowd with colorful maps,
organizational charts and other props used to describe
the results of the extensive investigation.
When Diaz, schooling his poker-faced mug into a grim
mask of paternalistic suffering, said, “I pledge zero
tolerance for this sort of abuse,” it was refreshing. At
last, somebody was going to stand up and say, no
más. The “bad apples,” as Diaz called the 11, had
been rooted out, and this display served as a warning to
any other potential miscreants lurking in the cubicle
jungle upstairs.
First blush, you’ve got to think that this was a pretty
savvy way to handle bad news. Diaz has taken public
relations hits lately for the city’s unfolding
affordable housing scandal(s), and the mayor’s own
ethics slap on the wrist for his questionable mixing of
public and private business.
That’s not to mention his cringe-worthy reaction to the
news that city police officers hired to work off-duty at
a graduation party didn’t show up, and thus two people
were shot. Diaz suggested the cops were not to blame for
not showing up or notifying the party hosts they
wouldn’t be working the event. “Unfortunately, we live
in a society where it's easier to point fingers at
somebody else and blame somebody else for things,” he
told the Miami Herald.
Back to the arrest party. There were a lot of weird
things about that press conference. First of all, why in
the world was former city manager Joe Arriola there? Why
was former assistant city manager Alicia Cuervo
Schreiber there? Why were both courting all the media
present? Both have been gone from the city for about a
year.
After I looked at all the next-day media coverage, I
figured that the point was to give city operations chief
Mary Conway cover. Conway , after all, was the person in
charge of the Capital Improvements department until her
promotion to Cuervo Schreiber’s old job (and that
department still falls under Conway’s purview).
Let’s take a quick look through the claims put out there
by this team. Arriola and Cuervo Schreiber claimed they
had suspected a problem in the department more than two
years ago.
The Herald article, which was short on details,
said an internal investigation of some sort was
conducted, but didn’t turn up much. City police were
brought in but, according to police Chief John Timoney,
any problems “looked strictly administrative.”
Then someone at the city authorized hiring a private
investigator, paying out some $100 grand for the guy to
follow this group of engineers and project managers
around. He found enough dirt to warrant another police
inquiry. The cops got clever with the computers and
found that the employees were spending “85 percent” of
their public time engineering projects for private
clients. It sounds like good, solid police work.
What I don’t get is what exactly was Conway’s role
during this period of time. If the conspiracy was so
large and profound, sucking up 11 of 14 employees in the
department, what was the boss lady doing about it?
Conway told the Herald that when the suspicions
about her underlings’ work habits started: “At first we
thought it was ineptitude or laziness or incompetence.”
That seems like reason enough to start reprimanding,
transferring or firing people. Why let the problem
persist for two years? Are there no
performance evaluations for employees in this
department? Miami detectives documented two dozen
private projects this group worked on in just two months
this spring. Imagine what they got done in two years.
The situation reminds me uncomfortably of a piece New
York Times columnist Maureen Dowd once wrote about
how fellow journalist Judy Miller allowed the Bush
administration to dupe her into writing all those bad
pre-war stories about the (non-existent) weapons of mass
destruction in Iraq. Dowd described how a handful of
hawks created an “echo chamber” effect by feeding her
the same bad information and half-truths through
multiple sources, thus making it appear more credible.
I’m not saying the same thing happened here in Miami,
but is it really necessary for people now in the private
sector to come back and claim the spotlight for
allegedly uncovering malfeasance that, according to
Arriola, probably had been going on for a decade or
more? And if the city can afford $100,000 for a P.I. on
this issue, where was the gumshoe tailing Community
Development Director Barbara Gomez as she handed out
city money to friends and family?
It doesn’t add up. Clue No. 1 that this thing stinks is
the fact that Miami Monthly, the glossy Coconut
Grove glad-rag put out by consistent Diaz/Arriola/Johnny
Winton booster and Related Group shill Elena Carpenter,
has, as its July cover story, an article written by
publisher Carpenter and her editor titled “Robbing the
City Blind.”
I’m not entirely certain when this issue hit the
streets, but I saw the online version the day after the
big bust. Spilled over six pages, complete with
flattering pictures of various city officials,
surveillance photos and the same maps and organizational
charts handed out by the SAO, is the compellingly
detailed story of how these 11 people did what they did
and how they got caught.
Given the lead time needed for printing a story of this
level of complexity in a monthly publication, it
obviously means that the magazine had the scoop long
before anyone else, possibly even some of the suspects.
The story admits as much.
It reads like the city’s press conference, only with a
lot more detail than reported by the Miami Herald.
Miami Monthly’s tale paints a picture of
concerned city officials and their diligent consultants
pursuing the case. Cuervo Schreiber, according to the
story, tried like mad to get something on the bad
employees (until she left the city to go work for the
Related Group).
The story names the detective agency, RJD Unlimited,
Inc., and reveals that the agency was paid $115,000 over
the course of about four months. There are even photos
of the invoices the agency sent to the city.
The story says that Conway hired the agency and then
used the evidence it collected to make her case to the
police department and the SAO. The subsequent
investigation turned up “more than a dozen” employees
managing 79 private projects.
OK. Big question. Why would city officials choose to
leak a story like this to a small monthly magazine known
more for its cheery boosterism than hard-hitting
journalism? Why not pitch it to, say, the Herald,
which has a much broader reach, or the New Times,
or one of the two or three local TV reporters who still
occasionally dabble in investigative journalism?
My own personal wild-eyed theory is that this thieving
bunch of jackals may turn out to be a convenient cover
for a much bigger problem with the Capital Improvements
department, which according to the city’s Web site
“encompasses over 1100 projects valued at nearly
$675,000,000 for the six year period from 2004 to 2010.”
Some of that problem has been hinted at in local media
coverage. Even the Miami Monthly piece admits the
city “does not have a stellar track record when it comes
to spending bond dollars.”
Where has much of the money gone so far? It has been
paid to consultants, hired with very little due process
to manage the lion’s share of the $255 million bond
issue voters approved in 2001 to fix city
infrastructure.
What have they done? Well, it’s hard to tell, really.
There are lots of lists and lots of reports and numbers
bandied about, but in many cases, it’s difficult to tell
where the paper hits the street. Take the Flagler Avenue
renovations the city has paid millions for several
layers of consultants to do. That work dragged on
forever, was poorly managed, poorly executed, and will
likely have to be redone far too soon. Oh, and
incidentally, one of those consultants employs Conway ’s
husband.
I think a handful of city bigwigs, Conway among them,
would like to lay the blame for the department’s
execution problems on the backs of a bunch of petty
thieves. No doubt, these guys deserve to be vigorously
prosecuted and kudos to everyone who helped nab them.
But what do we make of their bosses? I suspect it won't
be long before those answers start to roll out.